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    An International Comparison 9. Conclusion But why extend the study of the role of women in mafia criminal activities to other criminal organizations not only in Italy but also in other countries? In any case, this research is a valuable chance to further the understanding of organized crime internationally. As a research group, we are grateful to the City of Palermo for having supported and financed our studies as part of its project to encourage the development of a culture of legality. In this introduction, I present some general considerations that should be kept in mind in studying this subject. Individual researchers are not blank slates and inevitably operate with preconceived concepts and hypotheses that may prejudicially influence the interpretation of data. However, these preconceptions should be kept in check as much as possible; research should be based on the empirical analysis of data instead of general preconceived ideas. An empirical analysis of data obviously does not suggest denying that the role of women in organized crime is the result of a heterogeneous mix of factors; not all these roles can be analyzed using strictly empirical methods, and so interpretation 1 2 Giovanni Fiandaca is to some extent unavoidable. Nevertheless, such interpretation should never completely disregard the empirical data. Endo-criminal factors include historico-criminological aspects, cultural codes, and the organizational structures of the specific criminal groups i. So emerges the importance here of the organizational aspect with respect both to the cultural universe as well as basic values. The dimension I would define as organizational-instrumental reasoning about criminal activity also has a broader effect on the criminological level. In other words, the type of criminal behavior in question can also influence the space occupied by women. I refer here to more or less traditional associative conduct; active roles emerge here either of support or assistance or, on the other hand of leadership positions inside the criminal organizations, that is, extra-associative, or not necessarily associative, behavior related to so-called sophisticated crimes criminologically a bit more advanced in terms of tradition , crimes such as drug trafficking, fraud, swindling, and money laundering.

    This model of behavior clearly moves away from the Sicilian model. Many changes took place during this stage due to conflicting criminal models: the first Camorra war in the s between the Nuova Camorra Organizzata NCO led by Raffaele Cutolo, who sought to impose a Campania-based model, versus the smuggling gangs influenced by Cosa Nostra, the Nuova Famiglia NF alliance, which sought to impose a more traditional model based on the Sicilian code of conduct.

    This had implications for Camorra women and their behavior. During this war, although few women were visibly involved in top-level activities and most were only part of the support system, some women were openly involved and defended their men as much as possible.

    The media, however, did not perceive them as having much of an independent role because Mafia bosses would not permit it; but, as many judges have suggested, they may actually have played a much more important role than is generally believed, although this is difficult to document.

    In stage three, women become major players in the Camorra and criminals in their own right. This may be because there were no longer men suitable as leaders or because the women felt they had the skills to be as good as, if not better than, their male counterparts.

    The crucial turning point in this chronology is between stages two and three, when Camorra women broke away from simply being a support system and became major players. This enabled women to find a space where they could take on an active role. Let us now consider more closely each of the three stages. During the first stage, women informally coordinated low-level Camorra networks.

    They created the conditions that encouraged their sons to become camorristi. They sold smuggled American cigarettes, petrol and drugs, and received stolen goods on street corners in order to earn money for their large, extended families. They stashed stolen guns and illegal goods, and even sheltered fugitive bosses from the police and judges.

    Pupetta Maresca was the daughter of Vincenzo Maresca from Castellamare di Stabia, a man renowned for his criminal dealings. His style and power bothered other guappi, and one day in he was shot by a hit-man commissioned by his rival, another guappo, one Antonio Esposito. Pupetta was pregnant and devastated; since she believed the police knew who the culprit was but were not prepared to do anything about it, she drove to Naples with her younger brother, Ciro, and murdered Antonio Esposito in broad daylight.

    However, more importantly, this showed that Camorra women were different from Sicilian women; they were a support system, but also were prepared to speak their mind in public, become involved, and cross the line for their men. During the rest of this period, no such episodes came to light in the media. This stage was dominated by women who were part of the criminal support system and who helped to strengthen the different emerging Camorras.

    The emergence of NCO Boss Raffaele Cutolo in the s and his attack on smuggling clans closely connected to the Sicilian Mafia, such as the Nuvoletta, Bardellino, Zaza, and Giuliano clans, marked the beginning of the second stage of transformation in which some women came to the forefront to defend their men.

    These smuggling groups, highly influenced and, in some cases, even coopted by the Sicilian Mafia, organized to form an anti-NCO alliance, the NF. So there were three different ideological criminal positions: the independent NCO, based on a Campania-Camorra idea, and the NF, divided into two groups, one influenced and co-opted by the Sicilian Mafia and one independent of the Mafia.

    All these gangs sought to project a strong image of a male-only Camorra, but this was far from reality. This appears to have happened with the Nuvoletta clan from Marano, the Bardellino-Casalesi clan from the Caserta region, the Gionta clan from Torre Annunziata, the Limelli clan also from Torre Annunziata, and the Alessandro clan from Castellamare di Stabia.

    The Casalesi clan from Casel di Principe is a good example showing the secondary role of women. Although it would become the most dangerous and economically successful clan in the region, its women would never appear to be as 1. Women from this clan most resemble Sicilian Mafia women, and this may well explain why it has been so successful and resilient, even today. Women taking on active roles and defending their men during this second stage came from the gangs not affiliated with Cosa Nostra.

    Nevertheless, it is clear that 1 Raffaele wanted to maintain a male-only organization based on principles such as criminal fraternity and solidarity and so could never be seen giving a role to a woman, his sister; and 2 maybe more important, he did not want to implicate her and therefore always argued she was innocent. However, if we look at the facts, another picture appears. Rosetta Cutolo not only visited her brother on a regular basis in prison, she also received clan members in her home in Ottaviano organizing them and their families, and finances , was a member of the team that helped Cutolo escape from the Avellino prison hospital, attended peace summits between NCO and NF leaders in and , remained a fugitive until , and, after being arrested, was released in However, the clan would eventually be defeated.

    Rosetta demonstrates the limits of power conceded to Camorra women during this stage because the clan relied on her but did not want her to be seen as being involved or visibly active.

    In the next stage, women became more successful as they became criminal protagonists in their own right. Anna Mazza became involved in Camorra activities when rival gangs murdered her husband, Gennaro Moccia, boss of Afragola, in Although she would not admit to being the driving force behind the clan, she led the group while her sons were in prison.

    Today, it appears she still runs the clan, directs its activities, and visits her sons in prison. She met and became the partner of drug baron Umberto Ammaturo, following him in his criminal activities even though it appears he may have been involved in the murder of her son, Pasqualino. She was part of his support system. As seen from this brief analysis of Camorra women in the second stage — , only a few Camorra women were prepared to move beyond their role in the traditional support system.

    Women and the Mafia: Female Roles in Organized Crime Structures (Studies of Organized Crime, 5)

    But they were still not as fully active and involved as the next generation would be. Stage three in the s was a period of chaos for the Camorra in terms of social, economic, and political activities.

    Its traditional reference point, the Christian Democratic Party, declined and disappeared, leaving the dominant Camorra groups with no sense of direction. This also coincided with the spread of the pentito phenomenon in Campania and major government repression against the Camorra.

    Thus, the different Camorra clans, both in the city and the surrounding areas, were in a state of flux. This period of change allowed, forced, or encouraged women to come to the fore regardless of whether the clan had been influenced by the Sicilian Mafia or not. The Sicilian model of total commitment, loyalty, and subordination had weakened except for a case in Casel di Principe.

    In the hinterland of Naples, the Gionta clan, affiliated with Cosa Nostra, should have maintained the Sicilian model of a male-only organization where women were not active.

    But it did not. As in the traditional model, she was the figurehead director of front companies for the clan, but when most of the clan was in prison and depleted by the pentito phenomenon, some leadership was needed. Gemma felt that the decline of the clan caused by the revelations of state witnesses needed to be stopped and decided to do something 1. Thus, the Sicilian model was no longer respected. Taking messages to and from her husband in prison was no longer enough.

    In this regard, it is interesting to note that Camorra women reacted much more violently to the pentito phenomenon than Sicilian Mafia women. The Secondigliano Alliance was split on this problem; some wanted to pay him, others wanted to pretend to pay him and then murder him and his family. On 15 June , Maria Licciardi was stopped in a car with her sister, Assunta, and her sister-in-law with a suitcase full of money million lire, around 50, euros that the judges believe she was on her way to deliver to him.

    Though not affiliated with the Sicilian Mafia, it had been part of the NF alliance and had a pact with Carmine Alfieri in the early s. Gennaro Licciardi, Eduardo Contini, and Francesco Mallardo led this strategic criminal alliance, which dominated the Neapolitan criminal underworld during the mids; there was a time when all three leaders and their supposed deputies were in prison.

    Some argue that women have always played a fundamental role in the Secondigliano Alliance. When pentito Gaetano Guida, from the Capodichino neighborhood, was asked about the role of women in the Secondigliano Alliance, his reply was quite indicative: They are on the front-line. It has always been like this in the Secondigliano clan, in the sense that women wives, sisters, and mothers of the leaders have always had an influential role in many decisions.

    She was his confidante. She took orders to and from her brother; she transmitted his orders and messages, even those of major importance. On more than one occasion, she transmitted his orders to kill. I can add that Secondigliano women took on all sorts of jobs on behalf of the alliance: they took messages to prisoners, distributed money to members, organized activities, especially numbers running and extortion rackets.

    What is clear is that she managed to keep the clan together for a brief period until younger members believed they could do better and sought to diminish her power.

    A bloody feud broke out over a drug deal. Many were killed, and she was arrested in It should be emphasized again that women in the city clans appear to have become more active and visible over the last ten years. When a power vacuum appears, intelligent women take over; they no longer merely defend their men but become active players.

    For example, Teresa De Luca Bossa was convicted of being the leader of a clan; in addition, the women of the Giuliano clan in the Forcella district, Carmela Marzano, Marianna Giuliano, and Ermina Giuliano the wife, daughter, and sister of Luigi Giuliano, respectively , who all in one way or another had relationships with camorristi, became fully involved in clan activities when their men were sent to prison. This brief overview of Camorra women in the post-war period has shown how their role changed from being part of a simple support system after the Sicilian model to becoming protagonists in their own right, either out of necessity or with criminal intent.

    Camorra women have been present in different ways during the post-war period either in supportive roles or in leadership positions. Without women the Camorra would probably not have survived. The question is whether they will still be allowed to play these important roles when the men come out of prison.

    What seems ironic is that, by becoming protagonists and participating in Camorra activities, these women appear to have broken away from the traditional model of female subordination, when in reality they have been defending a strong traditional male organization that seeks to control civil society, the economy, and politics and so block the modernization of southern Italy.

    Bibliography Castells, M. End of Millennium, Oxford: Blackwell. De Gregorio, S. Feo, F. Falcone, G. Gribaudi, G. Longrigg, C.

    Mafia Women, London: Vintage. Siebert, R. Il Mattino, 4 November For a long time, popular opinion, the judgment of many experts, the evaluations of magistrates and judges1 and the testimonies of mafia men have centered around the idea that women in these environments play only the passive roles of mother and wife, substantially hidden from the criminal acts perpetrated by their men. It is useful to examine the relationship between women and various forms of mafiastyle criminal organizations at different levels: on one hand, as part of the general debate on the relationship between women and criminality, and on the other, in relation to the history and local characteristics of specific criminal organizations.

    Special attention will be paid to the question of the relationship between women and violence. Female Criminality We begin with one basic fact: in Italy, as well as all the other countries considered, the level of female crime is low compared to that of male crime, particularly as regards violent crimes.

    Female percentages for violent crimes in Italy have been 19 20 Renate Siebert nearly constant over several decades between 6 and 8 percent , while the trend has been increasing for crimes against property, robberies, and so on between 10 and 18 percent.

    Annaes do Municipio de Oliveira de Azeméis

    In Italy, the female prison population is similarly low, with numbers fluctuating over the last 50 years between 5 and 7 percent of the overall prison population. The obvious difference in deviant conduct between men and women has been generally interpreted based on two different assumptions, which may be called the emancipation hypothesis and the gender hypothesis, respectively.

    The Emancipation Hypothesis This interpretation suggests that lower female criminal activity can be attributed to the substantial subordination of women in patriarchal contexts and backward living conditions, especially regarding their presence in the public sphere. During the s, the hypothesis was advanced that, with the greater overall success of female emancipation, the quantitative gap between criminal acts committed by men and women would decrease since women would have increasing opportunities to pursue both legal and illegal careers.

    Although this hypothesis was never confirmed, it gave rise to ideas and debates on the nature and causes of female participation in crime. In fact, Since the s, no growth has been registered in the levels of arrests, reports, and convictions of women for violent crimes and, at least in Italy, percentages have also remained the same related to theft-type crimes, with the exception of shoplifting in large department stores and pickpocketing.

    This refuses to take into account gender differences that produce different feelings, emotions, attitudes, and behavior. The specific quality and originality of these processes risk never being investigated if male conduct remains the measure of perception and evaluation of what women feel, think, do, and do not do. In the 2. Affirmation of a Female Pseudo-Subject. They tend more to sublimate than to act directly. Symbolic violence, which has for centuries conditioned the socialization of the difference between the sexes, is also perpetuated beyond the will of the individual.

    Pierre Bourdieu writes, The passions of the dominated habitus from the point of view of gender, ethnicity, culture or language , a somatized social relationship, social law converted into incorporated law, are not those which can be suspended by simple force of will, founded on acquiring a liberating consciousness.

    If it is completely illusory to believe that symbolic violence can be overcome with only the weapons of consciousness and will, this depends on the fact that the effects and conditions of its efficiency are deeply inscribed in the deepest area of the body under the form of dispositions.

    That is to say, female deviance. For centuries, female imputability was diminished or blocked with reference to the ancient principle of infirmitas sexus or imbecillitas sexus, as well as fragilitas sexus , borrowed from the tradition of Roman law: Perhaps the ambivalence registered when a collective group must inflict a penalty on a women can be interpreted precisely in this sense: women make up part of the community in an ambiguous way, certainly not as completely as men do; at times they are absorbed into it, at times they are excluded from it.

    Their sphere of belonging is participation in the community, but only to the extent that it is connected, fundamentally and dependently, to the family. They incarnate both social inferiority and a sublime closeness to the sacred in the sense they are carriers of life. Therefore they are publicly untouchable, since they are both sacred and inferior. Because of this, preference is to delegate their control to the family, the only entity to which they are tied by a real pact.

    Power belongs to those who are able to make themselves obeyed. What happens if a woman gives orders that have not been legitimized by a man behind her husband, brother, son? Furthermore, an analysis seems warranted of the diversified relationships women of different social backgrounds in a mafia context entertain, on one hand, with state power and, on the other, with the power of the criminal organization.

    One very important aspect regards violence and the specific ways this violence is expressed, acted out, or performed by women. For men as well as women, the relationship with violent activity is never detached from the violence experienced over the course of their lives. This relationship is not linear, however; it is instead controversial and contradictory, with at times perverse results.

    We know from 2. Frequently added to this is a biographical experience of molestation and violence, at times sexual. A capobastone local underboss in Nicastro was accused of attempted rape. There are cases of dissociation and collaboration on the part of women who have in this way liberated themselves from a violent relationship; first of all, these stories do not represent any rebellion against criminal violence carried out in their mafia environment, instead it was the violence experienced against their bodies that caused violent outbursts in these women.

    In these cases, the intimate violence that reached and touched these women became the detonator that jeopardized and destroyed that other soulless, chilling violence that acts as a basis and bond for mafia power.

    We take as a given that the polarization between aggressive men dedicated to violence and war, on one hand, and peaceful women, reproducers of life, on the other, should be set aside as a stereotype or, in the best of cases, as a shared social representation from the past.

    Nevertheless, differences exist and should be studied closely. They can be 24 Renate Siebert executioners in some situations, yet victims in others. A large number of women were aware of and part accomplices in the activities of their husbands, brothers, and lovers in the SS, for example. Again in the context of this research, it should be underlined that women are capable of cruel acts of violence, but, since they are not considered subjects in every sense of the word, their actions appear chaotic and occasional: Male violence can be moralized as a structured activity—war—and, in this way depersonalized and idealized.

    Female violence, instead, has never led to anything good. It was too personalized and vindictive. Reset share links Resets both viewing and editing links coeditors shown below are not affected. Get fast, free shipping with Amazon Prime. Copy code to clipboard. Alexa Actionable Analytics for the Web. Your recently viewed items and featured recommendations.

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    Throughout the narrative, historical wars, revolutions, political crises and events are depicted and the characters are part or affected by them. Present to your audience Start remote presentation. Between these chapters, the history of the family is told chronologically, since its beginnings up to the time of the siege. Amazon Inspire Digital Educational Resources. Cfrto a personal note: O Tempo e o Vento features a huge cast of characters.

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